Eleições, pesquisas e estratégias de marketing: a campanha eleitoral de Micarla de Sousa em Natal (2008)

From the importance that the political science and the social sciences began to give the electoral programs on TV, were examined in that work academic the effects of research in electoral marketing strategies in Gratuitous Timetable of the Electoral Publicity of the marketing year the candidate Micarla de Sousa (PV) in 2008 for the prefecture of Natal. To analyze the marketing strategies of electoral candidate Micarla de Sousa were used three sources of data: the HGPE on the first part, The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign of Micarla de Sousa, José Ivan and the quantitative research carried out by the Office IBOPE before and during the period of HGPE. In the analysis of electoral programs, was used the qualitative and quantitative approach, taking as objective to verify whether there was some change in marketing strategy in the candidate Micarla HGPE. So the electoral programs that candidate were transcribed and analyzed and then faced with the results of researches electoral IBOPE carried out in the same period. The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign the candidate Micarla de Sousa brought relevant information on the construction of public image at the time pre-electoral and electoral. In search of IBOPE, socioeconomic variables were regarded assex, age, education and income. With the collection of this data, there was an intersection of information about the voting intentions of Micarla candidate for mayor of Natal and it was checked how his candidacy has increased or decreased within the surveyed segments and how these oscillations marketing strategies directed at the candidate's HGPE for any specific audience. Also, do not forget that the electoral process is influenced by various factors, because this process is dynamic

Conto com o seu voto: marketing político eleitoral no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2010

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Alianças eleitorais em Natal (2008): O PT e seus aliados

Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros

Slogans políticos em campanhas eleitorais no Rio Grande do Norte: a mídia na disputa ideológica.

To the observe the periods of electoral campaigns, we can realize sharply the abundance of political propaganda that announces the candidates, their campaign record, their proposed and everything that can carry them to the victory in the urns. The propaganda is today an essential tool in the votes dispute, in consequence of this, there is, in Brazil, the increasing participation of the Politics Parties in seminars of electoral marketing. They are varied strategies of the media used in the divulging of the candidacies, among them the slogan. Instigated by the explicit relation media/political, this work intends to investigate the ideologies (values) announced by the slogans of political propaganda that circulated in electoral periods. Thus, we base on the theory of the Circle of Bakhtin, who considers the statement as unit of the verbal communication, and that conceives the language as phenomenon dialogical, and, too, in the conceptions of alien words, social voices and dialogical relations formulated by the referred theory. We use, for better to comprehend, the slogan as strategy mediatic, of the classical study done by Olivier Reboul concerning the slogan; and, like starting point of a conception about ideology, studied John Thompson to comprehends the ideological phenomenon. Our corpus it constitutes of 14 political slogans announced in the campaigns for mayor of the cities in Natal and Mossoró, both located in Rio Grande do Norte s state, Brazil, in 1996, 2000 and 2004. For the analysis of these slogans, we consider the social-historical context in which were announced, being contemplated the linguistic and discursive aspect, according to the following methodological order: the identification of alien words (interdiscours); the social voices and the kinds dialogical relations established; and, finally, the ideology announced by the statement. This way, we can arrive to the conclusion that in the electoral context occurs a true ideologies war , in other words, in the political game of an electoral campaign, the slogans announces different values, which vary in several factors function, for example, the historicity, the subject that enunciates, the discursive positionings.

Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

O voto e seus enigmas: A dimensão subjetiva das escolhas eleitorais

Ce travail analyse la portée subjective des Choix Électoraux à travers la notion psychanalytique du désarroi humain. Nous avons développé cette recherche ayant pour référence la pensée de Freud et de Lacan et suivant les jalons posés par les penseurs des sciences sociales nous nous sommes rapprochées de la réalité sociale pour y « atteindre sur son horizon la subjectivité de notre époque ». La condition de désarroi fait partie de la structuration du sujet, du fait qu il dépend entièrement de l Autre pour se construire. Cependant l être humain se crée des mécanismes pour se protéger du désarroi absolu, il trouve des arts de vivre qui lui rendent plus facile sa condition d être. Les idéaux, les pactes sociaux ce sont des modalités de sécurité sans lesquelles le sujet fixe ses particularités sans s engager dans le processus civilisatoire. Nous caractérisons la société contemporaine par la chute successive d une série d idéaux qui fait monter de plus en plus le désarroi. Dans l absence d idéaux sociaux et politiques sur lesquels l électeur puisse se repérer, nous remaquons une tendance vers l individualisme et vers l absence d investissements dans des projets colectifs. Cette façon d opérer se dévoile aussi au moment de choisir un candidat, ce qui se base sur la logique du particulier motivée par des perspectives individuelles, sans liens avec la promotion de la vie publique. Notre enquête a été réalisée à Natal durant la campagne électorale de 2002. Notre objectif est de comprendre surtout la logique des choix électoraux de la population de la périphérie, celle qui se trouve devant un double désarroi : celle de sa condition humaine et celle qu advient de la précaire condition de subsistance. Nous soutenons que l idée selon laquelle le candidat, par la position qu il occupe dans la société, détient la fonction d offrir quelques garanties à l électeur et de cette manière il entre dans la série de ce qui peut soulager et promouvoir un certain réconfort aux personnes, même si l on considère le fait que l électeur ne croit plus à ses représentants. Nous sommes partis des questions suivantes: comment identifier la dimension subjective des choix électoraux et de quelle manière celle-ci se manifeste-t-elle de nos jours ? Comment se passe le choix éléctoral de la population qui est à la marge du système? La thèse que nous soutenons est que l état de désarroi est un substrat subjectif qui est la base de tout choix éléctoral mais qui se configure de façon différenciée à partir des références de l électeur, de son contexte historique, des facteurs économiques, etc. Le sujet, face à son désarroi, construit des chemins pour pouvoir soutenir son existence ce que nous appellons ici un Projet Directionnel. Ce facteur directionnel est l un des éléments de motivation des électeurs dans leurs choix électoraux

Sistema eleitoral proporcional : uma proposta técnico-politica para o Brasil

The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society

Cooperativa habitacional autofinanciável :uma alternativa de mercado à escassez de financiamento

As an example of what happened in Brazil in the 90s, it s noticed in Natal a new system of cooperative housing production which is done by advancing the users resources selffinancing. This system comes as an alternative for the real state market performance since the end of the National Housing Bank (BNH), in 1986. Self-financed housing cooperatives play an important social role by contributing to own housing acquisition by low-income population, without, however, becoming a mechanism of social interest housing production. It is important to consider that Brazil registers a housing deficit of 6.6 million housing units (IBGE 2000/Census), which, compared to 1991, shows an increment of 21.7% to a growth rate of 2.2% a year. This deficit figure has been deepening, mainly with the end of the National Housing Bank (BNH). The self-financed cooperative housing production broadens around the Metropolitan Region of Natal (RMN) and remains as an alternative to the lack of financing in the housing / real state market. In general, the aim of this work is to analyze the role of self-financing housing cooperatives on the housing production in the RMN, in order to identify their role in the real state market, in the own housing promotion and in the housing policy. The Universe of this study is performance of four housing cooperatives - CHAF-RN, COOPHAB-RN, MULTHCOOP e CNH - that work through self-financing. It is considered here an amount of 38 undertakings launched between 1993 and 2002, including 8143 housing units. The methodology adopted consists of bibliographic, documental and field research. As a result, actions like brokerage, marketing, speculation, and the criteria to define places for undertakings and final products, show how close they are to the housing market production. As a matter of fact, this short distance explains why the self-financed cooperative production for social interest housing is still limited. This reinforces the theory that it is necessary to define and implement a subsidized housing policy to serve the low-income Brazilian population

Financiamento e gasto público em saúde: o caso do Rio Grande do Norte

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico

Os programas de governo no horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral:um estudo das eleições governamentais no Rio Grande do Norte em 2006

In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

O jogo das identidades como fator de mobilização político-eleitoral nas campanhas de Dilma Rousseff e Rosalba Ciarlini em 2010

Starting from the premise that we live in the society of spectacle, as proclaimed by Guy Debbord, and, in this context, the media feeds itself off of this spectacularization and constructs a culture of images and production of goods, providing templates from which the subject can identify himself/herself as being male or female, successful or unsuccessful, powerful or powerless. In other words, the culture conveyed by the media produces material for the creation of identities through which individuals insert and recognize themselves in contemporary society. Observing the election campaigns, we can see clearly that this profusion of identities is fairly explored in the advertising propaganda used by the candidates, particularly in the propaganda broadcasted on the Free Electoral Time on TV. Instigated by the explicit relation between the media and politics within the society of the spectacle, this study aims to investigate the main identities that emerge in the discursive practices of the media in the election campaigns of 2010 for president of the Republic and governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte that had as protagonists the candidates at that moment Dilma Rousseff (PT) for president and Rosalba Ciarline (DEM) for governor. To do so, we based ourselves on the theory of Bakhtin Circle, which considers the statement as a unit of verbal communication and conceives language as a dialogical phenomena and a discursive practice and also in the conceptions of dialogical relationships, social voices and chronotope formulated by the previous mentioned theory. Still in the theoretical field, we have established an interconnection with the theories coming from the Cultural Studies (Hall, Woodward) about the identity, which conceives it as multiple, fragmented, non-fixed, so that, the subject assumes different identities, not always coherent, at different times, depending on the context in which they are approached. The research is situated in the frames of Applied Linguistics, which considers language as the center of its studies and settles on the border of an open number of areas of knowledge expanding its possibilities of investigation by means of the interdisciplinary. Our corpus consists in 20 electoral propaganda videos aired on TV during the Free Election Time in 2010 campaign; among these, 14 videos are Dilma Rousseff s propaganda and 06 videos are Rosalba Ciarline s propaganda. We seek for the purpose of the analysis to identify the identities which emerge from the discourses about the candidates in propaganda videos broadcasted in the referred campaign, as well as realize the dialogical relations established in these discourses and even if the identity construction of these subjects is located in the same axiological axis. The corpus analysis revealed that the multiple cultural identities of the candidates campaigning emerge in the discourses circulating in the electoral propaganda aired on TV such as: the identities of pioneer woman, competent, sensitive, mother, grandmother, religious. And, yet, those are changeable as the electoral demands, in other words, the need to obtain support and votes, outline a fluid identity construction about the candidate to the position in question

O FUNDEF e o FUNDEB como política de financiamento para a valorização do magistério: efeitos na carreira e na remuneração dos professores da rede pública e estadual de ensino do RN.

Este estudio analiza los efectos de la política de financiamiento de la educación básica, por intermedio de los Fundos contables, Fundef y Fundeb, y su proposición en valorar el magisterio, considerando las dimensiones de carrera y de la remuneración de los profesores de la red pública estadal de enseñanza del estado de Rio Grande do Norte, en el período entre 1996 y 2010. Para entender las condicionantes de la evaluación de las políticas públicas, se buscó también las contribuciones de Marx (1996) segundo quién “el concreto es concreto” y que la dialéctica del concreto se puede auxiliar en el intento de captar el fenómeno estudiado. Se utilizó aún, el referencial teórico bibliográfico relacionado al financiamiento de la educación y a la valoración del magisterio, a partir de la literatura referente a las dimensiones del objeto (fundef y Fundeb) y (carrera y remuneración). En la investigación documental, además de las legislaciones, directrices nacionales y locales pertinentes, se utilizaron datos referentes a los recursos disponibles en la Finbra. Tesoro Nacional, SIOPE/RN, INEP/MEC, datos de resumen del folio y folio de pagamiento de Secretaria de Estado, de la Educación e de la Cultura (SEEC), y 289 sueldos de 21 profesores. Se realizó entrevista semi estructurada con nueve profesores, referente a la carrera, además de un cuestionario aplicado a 12 profesores relacionado a remuneración. Se considera que en los resultados referentes a los indicadores educacionales, en el período Fundef ocurrió una reducción en las inscripciones de la red pública de enseñanza, como también en las funciones docentes, de la enseñanza base (fundamental), que corresponde a 37%. A partir de la vigencia del Fundeb (2007 – 2010), estos indicadores fueron puestos en ecuación. En todo el período entre 1996 a 2010, ocurre un aumento en las inscripciones de 119,03% y en las funciones docentes de 77,44%. Sobre los datos de financiamiento, se constató que, del mínimo exigido (60%) en la aplicación de recursos de los Fundos en la remuneración del magisterio se aplica en el período de los dos Fundos, pero el mínimo exigido, o sea, 83,29% a 98,89% de los recursos. Los efectos de los Fundos en la carrera de los nueve profesores, considerando la promoción y la progresión, no han sido satisfactorios. En la promoción de los nueve de estos docentes, apenas uno evolucionó el Nivel (titulación), pero retrocedió en la progresión. En la progresión de los nueve profesores, ocho se hallan con la progresión retrasada, entre dos y cinco clases, acumulando un perjuicio que varía de 10% a 45% en su ganancia. La diferencia de una clase a otra corresponde a 5% en la renta anual. Se observa que las ventajas pecuniarias contribuyen con la remuneración con porcentaje más alto que la renta, disminuyendo esta diferencia en el período de Fundeb. Sobre la remuneración, un profesor con 24 años de carrera, con formación (magisterio), no consigue, después de años de profesión, ganar ni siquiera dos salarios mínimos. El profesor con 30 años de carrera, con maestría, tiene una renta, en 2010, correspondiente a menos de tres salarios mínimos, o sea, 2,82 y una remuneración que equivale a poco más de tres salarios mínimos, o sea, 3,66. Si comparamos la profesión de magisterio con otras que igual exigen formación superior, la primera es, en general, de bajo nivel, causando un resultado negativo sobre la búsqueda de la profesión del magisterio. Por los efectos en la remuneración, se concluye que hubo una mejoría, pero aún insuficiente, sobre todo al comparar con el Salario Mínimo Anual. Se evalúa, una vez que los fundos – Fundef y Fundeb – no fueron capaces de promover la valoración del magisterio en las dimensiones de la carrera y de la remuneración. Se constatan algunos resultados negativos en la política de Fundo ya que tendría que ver, principalmente, con la incapacidad de la referida política a valoración de magisterio, siendo una de las causas, o financiamiento con restricción de presupuesto.

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

Os rumos do fundo público no capitalismo contemporâneo: uma análise sobre o financiamento da Política de saúde no estado do Rio Grande do Norte

This work analizes the financing of Health Policies on the state of Rio Grande Do Norte, starting at the presumption that SUS is “Bombarded” by fiscal ajustments, as a neoliberal strategy to face capital crises.The trafectory of the financing of SUS demands the comprehension of two principles which are, in essence, contradictory: the “principle of universatility”, which is caracterized by the uncompromising defence of the fundaments of the Sanitary Reform, and the “principle of containment of social costs”, articulating the macroeconomic policy that has being developed in Brazil since the 1990s and which substantiantes itself on the 2000s.This last defends the reduction of the social costs, the maintanance of primary surplus and the privatization of public social services. Considering these determinations, the objective of this research constitues in bringing a critical reflection sorrounding the financing of the Health Policies on the state of Rio Grande do Norte, on the period from 2004 to 2012.Starting from a bibliografic and documentary research, it sought out to analyze the budget planning forseen on the Budget Guideline Law (LDO) and on the Multiannual Plans (PPA), investigating the reports of the Court of Auditors of the State of RN and gathering information about expenses with health, available on the System of Information About Public Budgeting in Health (SIOPS).The Analises of the data obtained, in light of the theoretic referece chosen, reveals trends in the public budget setting for health on the State of Rio Grande do Norte, which are: a tiny share of investment expenditure on health, when compared to other expenses, the amount used in daily fees and advertising; the high expense in personnel expenses, especially for hiring medical cooperatives;the strong dependence of the state on revenue transferences from the Union; the aplication of resources in actions of other nature considered as health, in exemple of the expenditures undertaken by the budgeting unit Supplying Center S/A (CEASA) on the function of health and subfunction of prophylactic and therapeutic and on the Popular Pharmacy program. Since 2006, expenses refering to Regime Security Servers (RPPA) on the area of health also have being considered as public actions and services in health for constitutional limit ends, beyond the inconsistencies on the PPAs with the actions performed efectively.

O olhar das instituições de previdência sobre a casa e a cidade: promoção, financiamento e avaliação de imóveis

The investments of Caixas and Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões (CAP and IAP) in homes of Natal, between the decades of 1930-60, helped to boost up the local real estate market in consolidation at the time. Inserted in the first national policy on social housing in the country, these operations have demanded the creation of a wide qualified organizational structure, which would be from the "Central Offices" of Rio de Janeiro to the decentralized units of the federal states. The professionals linked to the Local Agencies have developed, on this matter, from activities related to the design and construction of residential complexes, to the daily study of financing proposals in isolated units. As from these studies, the evaluation of shelters was essential to the effectiveness of the policy, resulting in the production of data on the market value of the properties by observing and issuing judgments upon the living quarters of different social groups. Given these considerations, the aim here is to contribute to the understanding on how to operate these real estate actions in the legitimization of boundaries about the urban space and dwellings available to workers in Natal. Therefore, the views of the city and constructions expressed by the evaluating engineers in their technical reports have been taken as the focus. Being the main primary sources of work, these reports are part of the edifices process of CAP/IAP regarding Natal, whose content is systematized in the database "Enterprises", the HCUrb Research Group. In addition, there were used local newspapers at the time and interviews with professionals as complementary sources. It was found that, in general, the evaluations have configured – in a more everyday dimension of bureaucratic routines - a vehicle, among others, circulating ideas about "home" within the social security institutions, being imbued with assumptions historically constructed about the "modern habitat". Filled in loco, the reports expose the clash between modernizing ideals in vogue and clear limitations in the city scenario at the time. Fragmented images of the town are given to read through the labels assigned to the evaluated sites – these being coated of certain "scientific" character - which both legitimated and contributed to the dynamics of appreciation/depreciation of the soil and to the socio-spatial differentiation. Contradictions were evident in the endorsement given by the technicians when financing of admittedly precarious homes for insured disadvantaged categories at the local level - such as industrial workers - while strict regulations were imposed to new construction, designed, above all, to better paid categories. By identifying raters engineers as urban agents, members of a technical-focused operating system for safety and efficiency in the real estate investments of those authorities corporatist, it is desired the usefulness of further studies on these characters, their training, professional activity and participation in the construction of discourses and practices of intervention about the city and its buildings, discussing individual and grouped interests that were left behind.